Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Social Revolutioon - A Testimony

A Testimony

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The East India Company that had come to India for business had entered politics and eventually conquered the country and made it a part of the British Empire. India was enslaved and the British Empire spread to more countries. The growth of the empire divided the world in two blocks that subsequently turned hostile towards each other and led to the First World War the Empire had sought support of vassal states to serve its interests in international politics. But there was a hurdle in India, as the Indian National Congress, in its annual conference, had passed a resolution to achieve freedom. Indians had become hostile towards their British masters.

The British government was in a fix and to overcome the hurdle it wanted to do something to pacify the people of India. In the British parliament that used to control the governance in India, the incharge of Indian affairs Lord Montague moved a resolution on August 20, 1917, to accommodate Indians through reservation in their country. Accordingly, the Southburough commission was sent to India to tour the country to make efforts in the direction. 

Bhimrao Ambedkar testified before the commission and narrated the plight of the untouchables. On the other hand Maharshi  Shinde vetoed any reservation for untouchables on grounds that they had no property and claimed that the Congress through his Depressed Class Mission was capable of protecting  the interests of the untouchables, who did not require any special rights.

Incidentally, in 1909, Morley-Minto had toured India to explore the possibility of providing some freedom for Indians, but the untouchables did not get anything as Ambedkar had not become active in politics, then.

The scenario was different in 1917, when Ambedkar had become vocal on the welfare of the untouchables. The leadership in the Indian National Congress, which was predominantly Brahmins, was appeasing Muslims but spurning untouchables. In the Lucknow pact, to cast vote, a citizen has to be at least a matriculate and earning at least Rs 300 per month, thereby depriving untouchables from voting. For instance, in 1916, even  in Bombay province, Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar was the lone graduate and only seven people were matriculates. In other provinces, the situation was worse. The policy of the Congress, of depriving untouchables of any rights and more representation of Muslims ultimately lead to the partition of the country.

The British wanted to pit the Congress and the Muslim League against each other, but the ambitions of Muslims kept on increasing and ultimately lead to the creation of Pakistan. The Hindus in the Congress party were responsible for the partition of India.

To the untouchables of India, the British rule turned out to be a boon. It brought about a change in the country, triggering social reforms to usher in change. The movement of change began and conservative leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak were countered by his contemporaries like Mahadeo Govind Ranade and Gopal Ganesh Agarkar.

With the outbreak of the first wold war, the British government had to provide some succour to Indians to get their support. Efforts like the Southborough commission enabled Ambedkar to narrate the plight of the untouchables. The Indian National Congress that was established in 1885 did not bother  to think about the untouchables. Only after the British decided to provide representation to communities as per their population, the Congress was compelled to move a resolution about untouchables in their annual convention in 1917.

In fact, the resolution was a party of the dirty politics played by the Congress. The same year, the British had lifted the ban on recruiting people from the Mahar community (untouchable community to which Ambedkar belonged) in the Mahar Regiment. The combat unit had played a crucial role in helping the British defeat the Peshwa rulers in 1818. The victory had enabled the British jack to fly unchallenged. However, a ban onthe recruitment of Mahars had been imposed in 1892.

After the ban on the enrolment of Mahars was lifted in 1917, the untouchables entered the army in large numbers and gained access to education and earned money. Hence, after the ban was lifted on February 6, 1917, the untouchables in Mumbai organised a meeting at the town hall on July 8, 1917, to express their gratitude towards the British. The change had enabled them to break the shackles of untouchability in the traditional Hindu society that had denied them civil rights and confined them to a life of poverty and illiteracy.

It was a time when, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was opposing the entry of people from Other Backward Classes (who were part of the four tier traditional Hindu stratification of society and were better off than untouchables) in legislative bodies. He had claimed the legislating laws was the right of the upper caste people, not of those ploughing the fields or involved in petty business.

When Tilak was opposing the entry of backward classes in legislature, Ambedkar was insisting on equal rights for the untouchables. The Bahishkrut Hitkarini Sabha floated by him had demanded 22 seats out of the 140 in the Bombay legislature, apart from education of the untouchables through state funds and their recruitment in police and the defence forces. He wanted these things to become the rights of the untouchables as he had realised the importance of education in the lives of the untouchables. In short, by urging the Southborough commission to provide these things to untouchables, he was trying the lay the foundation for special attention towards their plight and paving the way for reservation for them.  Among those who had deposed in front of the Southborough commission were Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Vitthal Ramji Shinde, Annasaheb Latthe, N C Kelkar, N M Joshi, Gulam Hussein Hidayatullah, R P Paranjape, Ambalal Sarabhai, Sir Jamshedji  eejeebhoy and Dr B R Ambedkar. In all, 36 people had deposed before the commission from January 24, 1919 to January 31, 1919. Ambedkar and Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde testified on January 27, 1919. In his interaction with the Southborough commission, Ambedkar, while describing the demography of different religions, divided Hindus into two parts- the touchable or so called upper-caste Hindus and the untouchables, so that separate political representation could be granted for both.

Maharshi Shinde belonged to the pre-Gandhi era and was confined to the limitations imposed by the Congress party. Shinde took the same stand that Gandhi was to take in the Round Table Conference in 1930 that he represented all Hindus and that untouchables should not be considered as a separate group. Ambedkar, who was testifying at the commission not as a representative of an organisation but as a professor from Sydneham college, had said that out of the 60 seats he was expecting in the Bombay Province, seven should be granted to the untouchables and the remaining 53 be distributed among the 26 districts in the region.1

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J.V. Pawar: A life dedicated to Ambedkarite movement

J.V. Pawar: A life dedicated to Ambedkarite movement

August 25, 2017

JaVi (left) at his right, Kuffir Nalgundwar, the editor of RoundTable India. Photograph_ Daisy Katta.

By Yogesh Maitreya, TwoCircles.net

J.V. Pawar is 74 years old and recently underwent a cataract operation. But age and medical issues do not prevent him from travelling almost daily from Borivali, where he stays, to Churchgate, where he works as the general secretary of BaRiP (Bhartiya Republican Party, a political party leads by Prakash alias Balasaheb Ambedkar). Pawar has been the part of Ambedkarite Movement for 52 years now. Known among people and friends as JaVi, he was one of the founding members of Dalit Panthers in Maharashtra.

Dalit Panthers were fiery, agitated, and found ever ready to stand for the social justice and the dignity of Dalits and whoever else were being oppressed. Originally from a village called Pilwali in district of Ratnagiri in Maharashtra, JaVi humorously recalls, “I was so shy and  timid that when I came to Bombay first and saw police, I became so scared.”. He also has an interesting tale to tell in which the keen praxis of resistance can be understood. He says, “Deu, my grandfather, belonged to the then Mahar community in the village Pilwali. At the same time, he was devotee of Rama as well as Vitthala. He had two sons, Sakrya and Itthal. Sakrya was my uncle and Itthal my father. Sakrya had two sons and Ithhal had three sons, all them had ‘Ram’ in their names. Even during my childhood, I started understanding things quickly and I removed ‘Ram’ from my name. Since then I am J.V. Pawar or what people call me, JaVi.”

This keenness of opposing anything that does not stand for equality and liberty has grown in him as he was turning young after coming to Mumbai. And he as soon he came to Bombay, he started participating in the activities of Ambedkarite Movement. He was the youngest Samata Sainik Dal (Founded by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar) cadre from Dhobi Talaw branch when he was just 12 years old in 1957. It was not only a period of rapid changes in the political scene in the country, but transition within Ambedkarite Movement especially in its literary and political domain were very interesting. JaVi was observing all of this, but only to witness Ambedkarite Movement  victimised by the political praxis of fractions and splintering. Perhaps this frustration shaped the rage of Panther within him. When Dalit Panthers was established/announced in 1972 by Namdeo Dhasal, Raje Dhale and J.V. Pawar and others, they got instant support from Dalit masses as they had seen criticising the opportunistic politics of leaders from RPI (Republican Party of India) and their negligence to the social and economic issues of Dalits. Dalit Panthers were not only harsh critics of Brahminical forces but that of Dalit leaders too who were being opportunistic.

For JaVi, like other panthers too, this period was tumultuous but full of vigour, and not to mention struggle and agonies. During this period, working in a Bank, he had to live in two different worlds. For the survival and feeding his family, he had to work, but his heart and mind was always thinking about protest march, attending the court hearing, thinking about drawing strategies to deal with an atrocity etc.

Nevertheless, he managed to walk into both the worlds. He says, “I used to go to the Bank. It was a white collar job. I used to do whatever work I was assigned. But  I was always thinking about the society and cruel atrocities that were taking place on our people then. Sometimes, if I had to participate in a morcha, and I was in my office, then I used to hang my bag on my chair so that people would think that I am in the office. But I was somewhere else, participating in morcha, shouting slogans, writing pamphlets.”

During this time, the peak period of Dalit Panthers, he went to jail a number of times. Almost all of prominent members of Dalit Panthers, including him, were accused in hundreds of false cases. The agonies that come with being named as an accused in hundreds of cases is itself a terrible experience, yet, for him and rest of the Panthers, it didn’t mean much beyond an act of resistance. After the split in Dalit Panthers, JaVi started Mass Movement with Raja Dhale. Later on, he started working with BaRiP.

Once, while speaking at a book launch event in Mumbai where this correspondent was also one of the speakers, he said, “I am not an intellectual, writer person. I am an activist, who is ever ready to stand for people and can fight for them on the road.” But despite not claiming to be a writer, he has written more than 24 books. Among these, his biggest literary contribution in Ambedkarite Movement is a five-volume set on the subject of ‘Ambedkarite Movement after Ambedkar’ out of which the first volume has been translated in English and Hindi.

His first poetry anthology ‘Nakebandi’ was immediately translated into English as Blockade. However, his writings on the history of Republican Party, especially since from its beginning is a very significant contribution to the literary world. Once Sambhaji Bhagat Shahir, playwright, songwriter and an Ambedkarite activist said, “we created so many things, but J.V. Pawar documented the movement. Imagine if someone has documented it other than us or him, he would have certainly distorted the history of the movement.” In a program held in 2015 to felicitate JaVi for his contribution to the movement, Bhau Tursekar, who has also been the part of the movement for many years, said, “J.V. Pawar is a movement in itself. The activist in him will never be tired. He is the Google of Ambedkarite movement today.”

----- Yogesh Maitreya

Student of Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

The Sunrise

The Sunrise

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Babasaheb Ambedkar was born Bhimrao Ramji Sakpal in the last decade of the nineteenth century. His father Ramji, who was from the Mahar caste that was considered to be untouchable by orthodox Hindus, was a Subhedar in the army

and the principal of a military school. Bhimrao alias Bhiva was born when his father was working at the Military Headquarters  of Warfare (MHOW) in Madhya Pradesh. He was the fourteenth child in the Sakpal family, which hailed from Ambadve village in Dapoli tehsil of Ratnagiri district. Now, the village is located  in Mandangad tehsil of present day Maharashtra state.

Since Ramji used to be transferred to different locations, Bhiva had to migrate to different villages and in the process had had to face the pangs of untouchability in practice. Once, a farmer refused to carry him in the bullock-cart when he came to know of his caste.

Bhiva lost his mother at an early age and was fond of his

paternal aunt. Ramji had, meanwhile retired from the army and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Social Revolution was surviving on the meagre pension he used to get. His ambition of educating Bhiva was facing a financial crunch, compelling him to borrow money, at times, from his sister till he got his pension. Since the family was staying in congested and noisy surroundings, Ramji asked his son to study during night hours and, often, used to stay awake for company.

Bhiva’s progress in studies impressed one of his teachers named Ambedkar so much that he not only shared his food with his favourite student but also his surname. Bhimrao Sakpal became Bhimrao Ambedkar. His Mathematics teacher N M joshi allowed him to use the blackboard in the class to solve math problems despite objections by some students that it would defile their lunch boxes kept near it. Bhimrao eventually matriculated, becoming the first person from his community to do so.

He was felicitated for his achievement by a teacher Arjunrao  Keluskar, who presented him with a book on the life of the Buddha. The book made a tremendous impact on Bhimrao, who was not only impressed by the existence of freedom, equality and fraternity in ancient India, but vowed to rejuvenate it. After matriculation, the major challenge faced by Bhimrao was how to finance his further education. Some wellwishers like Arjunrao Keluskar and Rao Bahadur Sitaram Keshav Bole took the lead and sought the help of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj and Sayajirao Gaikwad. Both of them helped Bhimrao in pursuing higher studies in Elphinstone College in Mumbai and later, in the

universities of Europe and the USA.

Bhimrao was primarily interested in economics and started  comparative study between the economies of India and other countries that culminated in his research work, “The Problem of the Rupee”. He was also impressed with the liberal societies in western countries where there was no caste system and  untouchability. He realised that the caste system was the root of the problem in India and it was widely practiced with divine sanction given bythe religious texts of the Hindus. He wanted to negate it, but it was like the fight between David and Goliath. He was influenced by the teachings of Lord Buddha who had preached equality, freedom and brotherhood apart from peace and nonviolence. But he had to wait for the right moment to usher in Buddhist values in India to change Indian society.

Before Bhimrao entered public life, two individuals were considered to be the saviours of untouchables. One was Sir Chandavarkar and the other was Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde. Both looked at untouchables with compassion but did not consider them at par with others. The Depressed Class Mission established by Shinde masqueraded with the attitude of a messiah of the untouchables. While people like Walangkarbaba and Shivram Janba Kamble were speaking about civil rights for the untouchables, those like Ganesh Akkaji Gavai were waiting for the mercy of the Congress party.

After the intervention of Keluskar Guruji, the ruler of the princely kingdom of Baroda, Chhatrapati Sayajirao Gaikwad, granted scholarship to Bhimrao for higher studies in Europe. Though Sayajirao was progressive, his officials and employees were orthodox. Since one of the conditions of the scholarship granted to Bhimrao required him to work for the Baroda government, he had to do so. Baroda was the fortress of conservative people and before Bhimrao reached it to serve, the information about his caste was in the public domain. The result was that he could not find a house to stay. Despite being a highly educated person, he had to spend a night below a tree and later attempt to conceal his identity by doning a Persian name.

Meanwhile, Subhedar Ramji was busy finding a bride for Bhimrao and after a lot of research, selected Bhagirathi, daughter of Bhiku Dhotre. The marriage ceremony was conducted in the fish market at Byculla, Mumbai, after the fisherwomen had left in the evening. In keeping with the tradition of early marriages, Bhimrao’s wife was just nine years old when they entered wedlock.This marriage took place on 04-04-1906. 

From Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s social revolution - Before the Sunrise

Before the Sunrise

Over 2,500 years ago, Buddha’s enlightenment had triggered a metamorphosis in Indian society, shattering the traditional structure that was based on inequality, blind faith and violence. His wisdom ushered in a new way of life, providing energy to people.

However, the wisdom of equality, non violence and rational thinking invited the wrath of orthodox people in the country who believed in the Varnasystem. Gradually, Hindu religious heads titled Shankaracharyas launched a countrywide campaignto stifle Buddhism and make it vanish. Though they managed to suppress those who followed Buddhism to a large extent, they could not make it extinct in India. A minority of people continued to profess it. However, by then Buddhism had spread out of India to many countries not only in Asia but also lsewhere in the world.

In Asia, many countries accepted Buddhist doctrines and progressed, but the country of the Buddha plunged into the dark ages. In the country of Indus valley civilisation, inequality with divine sanction led to atrocious disparities through the caste system. Eventually, the religious order that determined the socioeconomic and politico-religious status of a person by virtue of his birth in a particular caste came to be known as Hinduism.

Caste became an inherent part of the existence of a person in India. A person born in a higher caste inherited a dignified life that provided opportunities to achieve power and acquire wealth. In sharp contrast, a person born in a lower caste led a life of penal servitude. The caste system did not provide any opportunity for him to achieve power or acquire wealth. In the process, people from the higher castes led a life of privileges, got educated, could get dignified employment or do business. Being denied any such opportunities, the lower castes languished in poverty and illiteracy.

Islamic invaders, who subsequently established their supremacy in the country, did not bother to rectify the system. When the Peshwas came to power in what is presently the Maharashtra state, they not only fortified the caste system, but also made it more stringent. Those who were lowest of the low in the caste stratification were isolated. They were prohibited from moving around during the day, lest they could defile the upper caste people. To make their identification easier, they were asked to tie small earthen pots around their necks to spit, lest they would defile the soil by spitting on the ground. In the country of the Buddha, people in the lower rung of the caste system continued to live a life that deprived them of basic human dignity.

The tradition of splitting human beings on the basis of castes and sub-castes, alongwith the existence of several religions and languages divided Indians. When the British arrived on the pretext of conducting business, they took advantage of the schism and eventually wrested power. To assist in administering a huge country like India, the British preferred to raise a battery of native clerks, than transporting their countrymen from far away Europe. The first Indians to take advantage of the opportunity were from the higher castes, who became servants of the British Empire. However, the eventual liberalisation of education stirred Indian society and social reformers. While most educated reformers were confined to issues concerning their caste and religion, there were some who transcended these barriers. Like Mahatma Jotiba Phule, who made efforts to reach out to the outcastes and the poor irrespective of their castes.

Apart from opening his own well to provide water for the lower castes, he pioneered education of women with the help of his wife Savitribai, who defied the Hindu tradition that treated women as subordinate beings  expected to serve men as wives and mothers. Her persistent efforts, despite dung and dirt being pelted at her by orthodox people, eventually enabled Indian women to cease to exist as secondary citizens and scale new heights in all sectors of life. When Jotiba, who was a visionary, began his social reforms, he faced stiff opposition from those who were averse to changing the traditions. There were others who were into social reforms, but they had not posed any challenge to exploitation in the name of divine sanction. Jotiba showed the courage of challenging the Hindu religion. He also had the grit to tell the British rulers that they were also responsible for the exploitation of the natives, at a time when the upper caste people had accepted servility of the British government. During the rule of the Peshwas, the untouchables were persecuted the most.

As victims of the caste system, they were Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s Social Revolution waiting for an pportunity to retaliate. Ultimately, they got it onbehalf of the British at Koregaon (near Pune in Maharashtra state). It was a landmark battle in which the Peshwa army was miserably defeated. An obelisk to mark the victory still stands at the site of the battle at Koregaon displaying names of the brave soldiers who fought against the Peshwas. With the defeat of the Peshwas and the British establishing their hegemony, Indian leaders established the Indian National Congress on December 1885 with the help of British officers led by David Hume. The same Congress party still continues to hold sway over the politics of the country and is deceiving citizens. Some Indian citizens like Gopalbaba Walangkar were fighting against the Congress, then, over issues like being pro-British and anti-untouhables. However, the British, which had sought the help of the untouchables to defeat the Peshwas, subsequently, proved to be ungrateful and stopped recruiting untouchables in the Mahar Regiment in 1892. Walangkar spearheaded a series of agitations against this policy. There were others like Narayan Meghaji Lokhande, Savitribai Phule and Mukta Salve, who were continuing with their work of ushering in social changes. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s predecessors were strong and committed and were paving way to remove inequality in Indian society.

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  J. V. Pawar