Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History book review — JV Pawar documents facts, fanaticism and a movement against caste oppression

Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History book review — JV Pawar documents facts, fanaticism and a movement against caste oppression

Yogesh Maitreya  

First Post : Apr 15, 2018 08:27:11 IST

JV Pawar’s recently translated book in English from Marathi, Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History, is the first-hand documentation of how and why the movement of Dalit Panthers took shape in Maharashtra and how it spread across several Indian states from south to north.

Being one of the founding members of the Dalit Panthers, besides Namdeo Dhasal, Raja Dhale, and others, the narrative transports us through the time that gave birth to an unprecedented anti-caste movement, Dalit Panthers. This book not only offers us the background of the emergence of Dalit Panthers but surprises us by telling tales behind the stories popularised by media and literature of dominants.

Dalit Panthers — An Authoritative History. Image courtesy: Forward PressCover of the book Dalit Panthers — An Authoritative History. Image courtesy: Forward Press

The book is an enthusiastic read for those who are interested in knowing history through the eyes of Dalits. In this sense, this book, unlike those written with a dominant Brahminical imagination on Dalit Panthers, offers us the scope to learn that history in India has many facets. It also tells us that history, once it is written and produced as narratives, changes with the caste-class location of a person who writes it.

Pawar, in his book, mentions incidents of caste-atrocities, which perhaps are never heard or forgotten long before. Therefore, this book is a rare documentation of both facts and fanaticism of upper caste culprits who committed atrocities on Dalits. For example, in a chapter called 'Inhuman blinding of the Gavai Brother', he mentions:

On 26 September 1974, a barbaric act was committed in Dhakli village of Akola district. The eyes of two brothers were gouged out for resisting injustice. The incident did not receive the attention it deserved till I called a press conference in Mumbai on 25 January 1975. The residents of the village had justified the act and created an impression that two local goons had been punished. They failed to see that even if the two men had indulged in a criminal act, they had no authority to take the law into their own hands and mete out punishment. Nobody bothered to find out whether they were really criminals and what their crime was.

One of the facts, as the book suggests, behind the atrocities that went unheard and unnoticed was also the inability of the political leaders among Dalits to address the issues and demand for justice, as most of them either had their own separate groups such as the Republican Party of India (RPI) or Congress had strategically co-opted them. Depicting this awful situation about Dalit leaders, Pawar writes that “some of them went on to become leaders but could not give up their old habits. After Dr Ambedkar’s death, the movement disintegrated. These squabbling leaders fell prey to the crooked politics of the Congress party that led to further division in society”.

The result of this, claims Pawar, was that the gap between Dalit leaders and masses widened. The restlessness and hopelessness among the people was widespread. In such a situation, as we read in the book, a few Dalit youths from Mumbai (then known as Bombay) mostly talented budding writers and poets — Pawar being one of them — decided to resist the onslaught of atrocities on Dalits. Thus, there emerged Dalit Panthers, a movement responsible for transforming the realm of consciousness of Dalit youth in Maharashtra for several decades.

In the absence of any written history on Dalit Panthers by the Panthers, people's imagination of this movement could have been different. Hence, it is in this context that Pawar’s documentation of events, incidents, conflicts and the politics in this book makes a compulsory reading. But the book is not only an attempt to document or write but also tell the angst among the Dalit youth back then, and which translated into their radical stands against caste, and drawing further, strategies to tackle the issues of atrocities on Dalits.

Unlike the decades-long struggle in the past, especially when Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar was alive, the Dalits under Dalit Panthers — taking cues from the Black Panthers of America — abled themselves to fight against oppression and oppressors, by being present at the sight of atrocity in a group of hundred or often thousands.

This book is full of such atrocious stories presenting the ugly face of the country. This furious sense of unity among them (the Dalit Panthers) further provided utmost confidence to the Dalit youth that was necessary to fight oppression by the Upper castes and articulate resistance through poems, stories, and songs.

Pawar who has authored more than two dozen of books on the Dalit movement has undoubtedly managed to express the anger in the form of this book. This book is a priceless souvenir for one who aspires to resist caste, to fight it, and to write the songs of resistance.

UP govt adds 'Ramji' to BR Ambedkar's name: BJP won't succeed in hijacking Babasaheb for caste politics, say experts

UP govt adds 'Ramji' to BR Ambedkar's name: BJP won't succeed in hijacking Babasaheb for caste politics, say experts

 Sulekha Nair Apr 02, 2018 18:55:14 IST

The Uttar Pradesh government has tried to usurp Babasaheb Ambedkar as a Hindu icon, by highlighting his father's name, Ramji. The Yogi Adityanath-led dispensation has decided to introduce Ambedkar's middle name 'Ramji' in all references to him in state's official correspondence and records.

Ambedkar, revered and loved by the Dalit community for giving the ostracised and marginalised community in India a special status, cannot be 'bought' over by upper caste Hindus for narrow political gains, say academics, scholars and politicians.

What irks many when asked about the Uttar Pradesh government's insistence on highlighting Ambedkar's father's name is why such an issue is being raised today, 71 years after Independence, when caste issues continue to boil over at the slightest pretext across the country. Recall the recent statement by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath to his counterpart in Karnataka, Siddharamaih, challenging him to ban beef"if he was a Hindu" or the Bhima-Koregaon violence and the subsequent protests in Maharashtra that created a furore in Parliament as well. So much so that Congress leader Mallikarjun Kharge asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi to clarify his stand on the issue.

Some experts refrained from giving their names but expressed their views anonymously. An academic from Delhi said it 'baffled' him how anyone thought calling Ambedkar by his father's name would change anything.

"Have we solved all the issues in the country or in Uttar Pradesh for that matter? People can see through this selective picking up of icons to further politicians' agenda," he added.

"Buddhism does not believe in one way of worship. So, if some people want to highlight one part of Ambedkar's name, it is alright. It won't diminish his iconic status in the hearts and minds of the people who hold him dear," said Professor Mahesh Deokar, head, department of Sanskrit and Pali, Pune University. Ambedkar's followers are mostly Buddhists.

However, some experts like Yogesh Maitreya, a poet and translator and the founder of Panther's Paw Publication, an anti-caste publishing house, is surprised by BJP's 'tried-and-failed' political methods.

The government tries and hijacks Ambedkar when they want to, he said. "Showing gratitude to Ambedkar when Modi became the prime minister to changing the syllabus in schools to rewrite history. Now, Ambedkar is being used to play the 'Ram' placard," he added.

He said he was waiting for the day when the government would focus on the 'real' issues affecting the scheduled castes like the 'Bhima-Koregaon incident, atrocities on men and women and student scholarship issues (remember Rohith Vemula, Kanhaiyalal)'.

"People want security. They are not overly interested in the highlighting of a name of their icon, which is being done for narrow political gains in Uttar Pradesh," Maitreya said.

Concurring with Maitreya, veteran Dalit leader JV Pawar and vice-president of the Bharip Bahujan Mahasangh (BBMS), said the move by the Adityanath government is clear: To fix Uttar Pradesh's vote bank. For this, Pawar said, Adityanath was willing to tell a lie. "Ambedkar was important during pre-Independence and continues to be held in high respect by his followers and scholars alike. The Uttar Pradesh government is indulging in lies," he said.

Pawar pointed out that Adityanath's claim that as per Constitution exhibit number eight, the signature of BR Ambedkar reads Bhimji Ramji Ambedkar is false. “The exhibit serial number 24 segment is well-known and is signed as BR Ambedkar and Bhi Ra Ambedkar in Devanagari," he explained.

What is curious about this highlighting of Ambedkar's name is that it is being changed only in Uttar Pradesh. 'Ramji' was the name of Ambedkar's father and as per practice in Maharashtra, father's name is used as the middle name by his son.

Pawar asks why is that only in UP, the BJP wants the name to be mentioned as so and not pan-India. “There are so many problems in UP. A Dalit youth was brutally beaten with sticks and kicked around by a group of three men in Uttar Pradesh's Muzaffarnagar, after being forced to chant Jai Mata Di. Should these not be the issues the government should focus upon?" he asks.

However, Ambedkar’s relatives and those heading political parties are clear that this 'political' game by Adityanath and the BJP will fail. "The BJP has lost its ground in Uttar Pradesh and wants to revive the Ram Janmabhoomi issue. They are using Ambedkar's name for it," said Dr Prakash Ambedkar, national leader of the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh and grandson of Ambedkar.

"The BJP wants to create an impression in the minds of the people that Ambedkar's family had a personality with the name Ram in his name. This is just a political game. Like post-Independence, politicians tried to restrict Ambedkar's image as a Dalit leader. But Ambedkar faced all kinds of atrocities and emerged victorious. When people read his writings and books, they found out for themselves that he was fighting for humanitarian issues and not just the Dalit issue. He has written his name in all documents using the name Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar but all his visiting cards and signature (are signed) as BR Ambedkar. This issue being raked up by the politicians does not impact the community. It is also known that no one in India is addressed by his middle name," he said.

Prakash recalled that when Modi became the prime minister, he had called attention to the fact that the Constitution was written by his grandfather Ambedkar. The prime minister also remarked that it was because of leaders like Ambedkar that a person like him could be elected to the highest office in the country.

However, the prime minister soon forgot about this, alleged Prakash, who also said that Modi has become a leader of the Vedic Hindu group Manuwad. Prakash is concerned that statements of politicians from the ruling party have exposed a fault line in UP's caste entrenched politics which doesn't augur well for the already fragmented society.

It is a tall order for Modi and the BJP to divide the country along caste lines, said experts. "Modi and the BJP won't succeed, though they are trying to make the country like either Iraq or Syria. People will choose harmony, peace and prosperity by following the Constitution instead of playing into the hands of politicians who are trying to use them for narrow, political gains," they said.

https://www.firstpost.com/politics/modi-yogi-adityanath-and-the-bjp-will-not-succeed-in-hijacking-ambedkar-for-caste-politics-4415163.html 

Background of the struggle

Background of the struggle

In 1917, the Indian National Congress passed a resolution in its annual session at Calcutta (now Kolkata) against untouchability; it was more out of inevitability than a genuine concern for the untouchables. Bal Gangadhar Tilak had not supported it fully. The resolution was to administer an oath to Congress members that they would not practice untouchability, but Bal Gangadhar Tilak refused to sign it. The next year, in 1918, Tilak delivered a speech at Athni that was not in tune with the resolution. “Are Teli and Tamboli going to hold the weighing scale or the plough in the legislature?” he had asked, thereby insulting members of communities traditionally engaged in selling oil and betel leaves, which are now classified as Other Backward Classes (OBCs).

According to Tilak, ruling the country and legislating laws was the job of elite class that was intelligent, not of communities like Teli and Tamboli that were destined to spend their lives in their respective trades. Tilak was an orthodox Brahmin and intermittently, he used to boisterously assert the supremacy of his caste and run down communities in the lower rungs of the caste system. For instance, during the controversy over whether the working hours of labourers should be 12 or 14, he wrote an editorial in his newspaper Kesari supporting 14 hours’  duty. Asking labourers to work for 14 hours a day amounted to their exploitation, but Tilak did not support the view and took an anti-labour stand and one of the reasons was that labour leader Shripad Amrut Dange was Tilak’s follower. And because of it, the labour class had, subsequently, chosen to move away from Dange.

Tilak died on August 1, 1920 and Teli and Tamboli communities, too, joined the funeral procession. Then, the emerging Congress leader Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (who later led the freedom movement and is considered as father of the Indian nation) took advantage of the crowd and established the Tilak Fund. After Tilak’s death, the leadership of Congress started percolating down from Brahmins to non-Brahmins. Till 1920 Brahmins were leaders of all political parties and organisations. In the post-Tilak era, the most important year was 1925, when the labour class in India came under the influence of communism. Dange established the Communist Party of India in 1925 and the same year Dr Keshavrao Hedgewar established the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). At the same time, Ambedkar’s movement was gaining ground against the Congress and its leader, Gandhiji.

Ambedkar wanted to create awareness in society, but there were certain limitations. He had to do something to earn his livelihood and also take care about the sources of livelihood of thousands of others, while making efforts to kindle self-respect and stir self-consciousness in them. The untouchable community had become weak and was not repenting on its condition. The tendency was to accept the life it was forced to live without realising that it was slavery. Abraham Lincoln had said that if a slave is made to realise that he is a slave, he would revolt against slavery. Ambedkar’s priority was to ignite the spirit of revolt. He started organising meetings of communities, but untouchables who believed that they were destined to live a life of servility, were not moved. However, they started boycotting the meetings, presuming that he was attempting to woo them for conversion to Christianity. Besides, pro-Congress party people like Ganesh Akkaji Gavai used to spread disinformation about him.

Ambedkar had shot into limelight with his testimony before Lord Southborough commission. The ruler of the princely state of Kolhapur, Chhatapati Shahu Maharaj, had already started reforms for the upliftment of the untouchables. He had also helped Ambedkar in pursuing higher education. Ambedkar had met Shahu Maharaj through an activist from the untouchable community Dattoba Powar. The Maharaj was a visionary. Realising that there was a need for a periodical to create awareness among untouchables, helped Ambedkar financially and the Marathi fortnightly Mooknayak (leader of the mute) was born. Though Pandurang Nandram Bhatkal association with the Depressed Class Mission of India of Maharshi Shinde was appointed as its editor, it was Ambedkar’s mouthpiece.

The first issue of Mooknayak was published on January 31, 1920 when Tilak was alive. Tilak was regressive in his outlook. He was against upliftment of untouchables and labour welfare measures. He had even refused to publish a paid advertisement of Mooknayak in his Kesari newspaper, leave aside appreciating the work done by Mooknayak. In the inaugural issue of Mooknayak, Ambedkar had written, “India is the matrix of disparities. The Hindu society is like a tower with floors of castes, one above the other. The amazing thing is that this multi-storeyed structure has no ladder to go upstairs. One who is born on a particular floor has to die on the same floor. A person born on a lower floor, notwithstanding his merit, cannot enter the floor above, and a person born on the upper floor, despite his vices, would not be pushed on the floors below. Those who believe that animate as well as inanimate objects are forms of God, consider their brethren impure. The ambition of Brahmins is to accumulate knowledge, not of spreading it. The reason of the deterioration of non-Brahmins is lack of knowledge and power. There is a need to make efforts to liberate the deprived classes from slavery and poverty. They should be made aware of their miserable condition by providing them knowledge.”

Shahu Maharaj had realised the credibility of Ambedkar as the leader of the untouchables. He took lead in organising the first convention of the untouchables at Mangaon in his kingdom on March 20, 1920. The convention was conducted in the presence of Shahu Maharaj and its highlight was V R Shinde’s testimonial in front of Lord Southborough with reference to Ambedkar. This testimonial had been published in The Times of India newspaper on January 26, 1919. Objecting to Shinde’s contention, Ambedkar said, “The Depressed Class Mission is planning a cooption scheme against the representation of untouchables. It envisages the election of a representative of untouchables by non-untouchables who have been elected. This will ensure that the untouchables continue to remain oppressed forever.”

In the Nagpur convention, a resolution was moved, that said, “The entire untouchable class is restless over the suggestion made by the Depressed Class Mission that the representatives of the ostracised class on the council should not be nominated by the government or caste-wise organisations, but by the non-ostracised elected members of the council. Because, only those people among us, who endorse the Chaturvarnya that had wrecked havoc in our lives, will be appointed as representatives. Hence, this convention is of a firm opinion that the ostracised class has lost faith in the Depressed Class Mission because of its treacherous stand.”

Despite this resolution being conscientious and indicative of the grassroot reality, Maharshi Shinde’s biographer G M Pawar has distorted history. While referring to the Shinde-Ambedkar controversy, he states, “It appears that Ambedkar might have nursed some qualms about Maharshi Shinde’s name being associated with eradication of untouchability. Its roots naturally lay in the stand that the politics over removal of untouchability should be led by leaders from the untouchable community. The ultimate aim was to malign the image of Shinde as a crusader for eradicating untouchability, to derecognise him and pull him down from the position he had gained through sacrifice and selfless service.”

G M Pawar was from the Maratha community, like Maharshi Shinde, besides being related to him and it was the reason for his parochial view of Ambedkar.  The testimony of Ambedkar was not a smear campaign against Maharshi Shinde. On the contrary, Ambedkar was of the view that Shinde and Sir Chandawarkar be taken into confidence while resolving issues concerning untouchables. Only a relative like G M Pawar, not a historian, can take such a stand. Ambedkar’s struggle to ensure that the movement for upliftment of untouchables should be led by untouchables continued throughout the Tilak era as well as the Gandhi era. If Ambedkar had emulated untouchable leaders of the Gandhi era, untouchables would never have got a backbone.

There was no difference between Maharshi Shinde’s testimonial in front of Lord Southborough commission and the stand taken by Gandhi in the round table conference. Only Ambedkar was challenging the contention of the orthodox Hindus that they could uplift the untouchables and yet his detractors were accusing him of trying to monopolise the movement to uplift untouchables by being intolerant towards others who were involved in it. Ambedkar’s movement was not for imposing his leadership, but to liberate untouchables.  Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj had said, “I congratulate the ostracised citizens of my state for finding your true leader. I am sure that Dr Ambedkar will not only be your saviour, but my intuition says that a time will come when he will be a leader of the country.”

On May 30 and 31, 1920, a conference of Akhil Bharatiya Bahishkrut Parishad- a national conference of the ostracised people- presided over by Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj was convened at Nagpur. The local ruler Chhatrapati Bhosale  was expected to attend the conference, but not being progressive thinker like Shahu Maharaj, he stayed away on the pretext of a hunting expedition, so that he would not be tainted by the touch of the untouchables. The conference was divided into two warring groups, one led by Ambedkar and the other by Maharshi Shinde. The followers of Shinde like Ganesh Akkaji Gavai tried to corner Ambedkar. The issue was who would head the governing committee. Ambedkar exposed the Depressed Class Mission and launched a scathing attack against its activities that were in favour of the Congress party. The conference resolved that the government should not take a decision based on Shinde’s opinion.

This was the first victory of Ambedkar in which he gave a pleasant surprise to Shahu Maharaj by demonstrating that he could handle a contentious issue diplomatically. The prediction made by Shahu Maharaj in 1920 came true as manifested in the confrontations with Shinde and Gandhi. Ultimately, Ambedkar drafted the Indian constitution, revealing that Shahu Maharaj was a visionary.

B. R. Ambedkar : Student representative

Student representative

Ambedkar was a staunch supporter of democracy and it had stemmed out of the influence of the ideology of the Buddha. During the Buddha’s time, disputes were solved through peaceful dialogues. Any political issue used to be presented in the House for discussion and decision taken according to the inclination of the majority. Ambedkar has dwelt on this aspect of Buddhism in his book, The Buddha and his Dhamma. The units of governance called Ganarajya and the present day Gan- a constituency of Zilla Parishad (district council)-  bear resemblance. The Gan is the basic brick of the present day Panchayat Raj on which the superstructure of democracy stands. The inherent principle of democracy is equality and till this principle was operational, India was flourishing in all sectors. However, later, hostility towards Buddhism was instigated by orthodox Hindus, ushering in the dark ages. The rejection of democracy in the Buddha’s country ultimately led to dictatorship rising in the world not only in politics but also social and cultural lives of people. In France it reached its peak and led to so much resentment by the people that it led to the revolution that destroyed the tyrannical rule. In India, however, the democratic process fizzled out as the hostility towards Buddhism got royal patronage as well as religious sanction. An apt example is the situation during the rule of the Peshwa rulers.

Ambedkar derived energy from the philosophy of the Buddha to combat the exploitation resorted to with divine sanction. The Buddha’s philosophy was in existence even without attributing it to him, in Europe and American continents. Ambedkar, who received his higher education in these continents, could compare the dark ages in India with the radiance of the liberal world. Even as a student, he had become restless over the huge disparities existing between the two worlds.

In a democracy, the opinion of every citizen is important, not religious texts. Hence Ambedkar contested many elections, so that he could represent people. Except the 1937 election, he was defeated in all polls, including the first general elections in 1952 held after India became free in 1947 and the subsequent byelection in 1954.

It is known that Ambedkar had become a member of the legislative council of Bombay and got elected to the Bombay legislature in the 1937 elections, but it is not known that in his student life he had been elected to a students’ council. In 1913, he had become an additional member of the Baroda legislative council. This reference has been skipped by Ambedkar’s biographers Dhananjay Keer and C B Khairmode. The first volume of biography written by Khairmode had been published in 1952 when Ambedkar was alive. The biographies penned by Khairmode and Keer have gained wide acceptability and based on them, ample has been written about Ambedkar by others. It is surprising how such highprofile biographers missed a vital point in Ambedkar’s life.

Even before Ambedkar became a member of the legislative council in 1927, the Diwan of Baroda princely state Manubhai Mehta had issued a notification that he had been appointed as member of the legislative council of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaikwad. The records in the legal cell of the Baroda kingdom reveal the appointment in the following words: His Highness the Maharaja Saheb has been pleased to nominate Mr B R Ambedkar, B.A., as an additional member of the local legislative council in place of Shivlal Jeram, deceased of Petlad.

 It clearly reveals that Ambedkar had been a member of the legislative council when he was only a graduate with a B.A. degree and was yet to study further for M. A., Ph D, Bar-at-law, etc degrees. In my book, Indian Congress and the Ambedkar Movement, I had mentioned, on the basis of information provided by Shridhar Vyankatesh Ketkar in his encyclopaedia that Ambedkar had been nominated in place of Shivram from Petlad in the Bombay Province after the latter’s death. However, it is incorrect. Ketkar’s information is gospel for many authors who quote from it. The information about Ambedkar’s appointment proved that Ketkar’s book is not reliable.

In 1913, Ambedkar was a student and had applied for scholarship from the Baroda Maharaja for higher studies. Since the Maharaja knew the importance of education, he had approved it, but casteist officials serving in his kingdom had imposed some atrocious conditions. Ambedkar approached the Maharaja, who realised the conspiracy and removed such conditions. Accordingly, Ambedkar was granted scholaraship of Rs 12,000 from June 15, 1913 to June 14, 1917. The removal of many conditions included in the initial scholarship had humiliated the officials of Baroda which ultimately led to the Diwan of the kingdom pestering Ambedkar to work as an employee of the kingdom in return, even at the cost of higher education. To make matters worse, he ensured that when Ambedkar joined as an employee, he was persecuted and compelled to leave.

Ambedkar was nominated in the legislative council on April 24, 1913 and the period of his scholarship commenced on June 15, 1913. Logically, his presence in the legislative body should have been discontinued as he was under debt of the kingdom. However, the Baroda Maharaja endorsed both the things, considering Ambedkar’s potential. Ambedkar reached New York for higher education on July 20, 1913 and remained abroad till August 21, 1917 and hence, could not attend the legislative council. Yet the ruler displayed not only his generosity but his vision in helping an untouchable youth who had graduated and wanted to pursue higher studies abroad. Before the award of the scholarship the two had met for a lengthy interview which left the king impressed.

Baroda’s ruler Gaikwad and Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj from Kolhapur helped Ambedkar a lot. If Gaikwad would not have taken on the casteist officials of his kingdom, Ambedkar would have been deprived of higher education in sociology, economics and public finance. In that case, his country with a population of 100 crore would have to look upto foreign countries to draft its constitution. Sayajirao Gaikwad had realised the potential of Ambedkar even as a student and had nominated him in the legislative council. Fourteen years before he was sworn in as a member of the Bombay legislative council in 1927, Ambedkar had become a member of the Baroda legislative council during his student days, making him a unique representative of people. It became possible because of the discernment of the ruler of the Baroda princely state Maharaj Sayajirao Gaikwad.

See the video On Dalit Panther by Scroll.

See the video On Dalit Panther by Scroll.

https://www.facebook.com/scroll.in/videos/1664686126947594/

Excerpt: Chapter on the blinding of the Gavai brothers from Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History

My Article in Hindustan Times

Excerpt: Chapter on the blinding of the Gavai brothers from Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History

The inhuman blinding of the Gavai brothers was one of the terrible caste atrocities that spurred the Dalit Panthers to action and led to the eventual removal of Vasantrao Naik, who was then chief minister of Maharashtra

BOOKS Updated: Jan 20, 2018 09:55 IST

JV Pawar
Hindustan Times

A procession of the Punjab Dalit Panthers.(Courtesy Forward Press)

On 26 September 1974, a barbaric act was committed in Dhakli village of Akola district. The eyes of two brothers were gouged out for resisting injustice. The incident did not receive the attention it deserved till I called a press conference in Mumbai on 25 January 1975. The residents of the village had justified the act and created an impression that two local goons had been punished. They failed to see that even if the two men had indulged in a criminal act, they had no authority to take the law into their own hands and mete out punishment. Nobody bothered to find out whether they were really criminals and what their crime was.

I was confronted with this horrific incident in the third week of January, when I was on a regular visit to the Siddharth Vihar hostel at Wadala. Three people from Akola district – Nana Rahate, D.N. Khandare and V.T. Adakne – were waiting for me. The Gavai brothers from Dhakli village had accompanied them. The people of the village had gouged out the eyes of both the brothers. There were 125 houses in the village, 45 of which belonged to the Gavais and their relatives. The Gavais were not in a minority. The “police patil” – the liaison of villagers with the police – of the village was Shaligram Shinde, who was rich and used to intimidate fellow villagers. His only son, Uddhavrao, had spread a reign of terror, assuming that his father’s position was a licence to commit injustice. Uddhavrao used to intimidate women working on his farm and compel them to have sexual intercourse with him.

Gopal Nathu Gavai and his brother Babruvahan Nathu Gavai were agricultural labourers and Gopal’s 16-year-old daughter Ginyanabai also use to work as a farm labourer. While she was working in the fields of Shaligram Shinde, Uddhavrao made sexual advances towards her and promised her that he would marry her. She fell into his trap and became pregnant. When Gopal came to know about it, he and his brother Babruvahan went to Shaligram and urged him to ask his son to marry the girl. Little did the Gavai brothers know that when a woman is raped, she is just a woman, but when it comes to marriage, other things like her caste, religion and economic status matter.

Bhagwat Jhadhav, 22, was killed by a grinding stone thrown off a terrace while a Dalit Panther morcha was passing through a Bombay neighbourhood. (Courtesy Forward Press)

Shaligram not only rejected their demand but also booked the Gavai brothers for intimidating him and prosecuted the girl for concocting the story of rape. The court acquitted the Gavai brothers and the girl of the charges filed against them. It infuriated the police-patil and his son. Their caste pride was hurt. On 26 September, the police-patil called the Gavai brothers to his house. When the brothers reached the house, 20 goons of the police-patil attacked them. It was pre-planned. R.T. Patil, the police officer of the Pinjar Police Station, which had jurisdiction over Dhakli village, had already given Shaligram his approval for the attack. The goons overpowered the Gavai brothers. Nine of them sat on the brothers, while the others gouged out their eyes using a sharp instrument. As the victims bled profusely and groped around in the darkness they had just entered, they could hear Shaligram’s words, “You want justice? Take this justice.”

Dhakli village is about 30 km from the Akola town and the victims could not get any local transport or even a bullock cart to reach the government hospital, because the police-patil had terrorized the entire area. The wives of the victims took them to the Pinjar Police Station but the police personnel refused to register the offence. They even drove them away. The Gavai brothers were admitted to hospital in Akola the next day. The accused in the case were Shaligram Shinde, Uddhavrao Shaligram Shinde, Bhimrao Kaple, Namdeo Jadhav, Tarasingh Vanjari, Motiram Ingle, Bandu Ingle, Sudam Jadhav and Manik Gavande. The incident was reported in the local newspapers with the headline, “Criminals punished by villagers”.

The activists of Dalit Panther, including Nana Rahate, D.N. Khandare and V.T. Adakne, tried to secure justice for the brothers with the help of Baban Lavhatre in Nagpur. Their efforts were futile, because the district collector and the deputy superintendent of police parroted the story provided by the local police. The Deputy Inspector General of Amravati, too, endorsed the report of the local police, thereby depriving the Gavai brothers of justice.

A newspaper clipping on the morcha during which Bhagwat Jhadhav was killed. (Courtesy Forward Press)

When possibilities of justice appeared bleak, Rahate, Khandare and Adakne left for Mumbai on 19 January 1975, and reached Siddharth Vihar, Wadala. After meeting them, I felt that approaching newspapers should be our priority rather than visiting top police officials or ministers. But, would the newspapers publish the news if I sent a press release to them? I wasn’t sure, so I called a press conference. I was clueless about holding a press conference because I had always relied on issuing press releases. After making enquiries, I came to know about the locations where press conferences were held. While I was booking a conference room for holding the press conference, I was asked what would be the menu for the journalists. That is when I found out that journalists had to be given something to eat and drink during a press conference.

Then I visited newspaper offices to invite their representatives for the press conference. On 25 January 1975, I reached the venue along with the Gavai brothers. I had told only a few colleagues, including Raja Dhale, about it because I did not want the expenses to mount. I did not carry a written statement. When the press conference began, I asked Gavai brothers to narrate their nightmare to the reporters. Gopal Gavai was one of our members and also a volunteer of the Samata Sainik Dal. After Gopal and his brother narrated their ordeal, photographers took their photos. Shocked by the incident, some reporters went away without eating anything.

The next day, on 26 January 1975, The Times of India published photographs of Gavai brothers and their horrifying story. It was the Republic Day and Jaiprakash Narayan was going to address a public meeting in Shivaji Park. Speaking at the meeting, he cited the plight of the Gavai brothers to illustrate how exploitative the Congress rule was. Since Jaiprakash Narayan condemned the incident, some newspapers that had not published it on the first day, took it up on the third or fourth day.

Nava Kaal, the newspaper, had carried the news the day after the press conference on the front page with the headline, “Village patil’s barbaric act of gouging out the eyes of two Buddhists”. The news report mentioned our demand, too. Since the victims had become visually handicapped for life, we had demanded that the Maharashtra government bear the responsibility of looking after their needs for the rest of their lives. Else, we said, the victims would go on an indefinite hunger strike in front of chief minister Naik’s residence. The Maharasthra Times newspaper prominently displayed the story with a photograph and also wrote an editorial piece under the title “Amanush” (inhuman), demanding an enquiry into why the guilty hadn’t been arrested for two months and calling for punitive measures against the police personnel concerned, including their dismissal. It also suggested imposing a fine on the entire village since not a single villager had come to the rescue of the victims. The Maratha published an editorial with the headline “Kevdhe Hay Krourya” (What a barbaric act), pointing out that though the chief minister had granted Rs 1,000 as relief to the victims as was his duty, it would have been in the fitness of things if immediate action were taken against the guilty. The editorial also noted that the case would have been hushed by the government machinery but for the expose in Mumbai.

Newspaper clippings on the Worli caste riots of 1974. (Courtesy Forward Press)

After newspapers reported the incident, some organizations and political parties came forward to condemn the government. S. Balakrishnan, an MLA of RPI’s Khobragade faction, demanded a compensation of Rs 25,000 for the victims for the loss of their eyes. He also took a dig at R.S. Gavai, who was the deputy chairman of the legislative council, by saying that it was not a matter of pride for Gavai that the incident had been hushed up till it came to light in Mumbai. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh, too, jumped on the bandwagon, with the secretary of its Mumbai unit, Baban Kulkarni, demanding an immediate enquiry and severe punishment to those responsible. He also wrote to the chief minister saying that volunteers of Jana Sangh were ready to donate eyes to the victims. This was a strange offer because the doctors had already ruled out the possibility of eye replacement.

When chief minister Vasantrao Naik offered a compensation of Rs 1,000 to the Gavai brothers for the loss of their eyes, an infuriated Raja Dhale, while speaking at a public meeting in Siddharth Colony, Chembur, said that if someone gouged out the chief minister’s eyes, he was willing to pay Rs 1,000 to the chief minister as compensation. It was highly unbecoming of a chief minister, who was also holding the home portfolio, to trivialize this horrific injury. Apart from the announcement of Gavai brothers’ agitation, many organizations like the Yuvak Kranti Dal said they were going to march to the chief minister’s residence. That was when government issued an order banning assembly or processions in the Malabar Hill area.

Meanwhile, Indira Gandhi’s visit to Mumbai was announced. The Mumbai police used to chase me whenever VVIPs like the president or the prime minister were going to visit Mumbai. The possibility of agitations by Dalit Panthers on such occasions would make them jittery. I usually had cordial relations with police officials, but on such occasions, I would remain aloof. A day before Prime Minister Gandhi’s visit to Mumbai, I was required to appear at the Naigaon court and could not avoid meeting police officials from the Special Branch-I and the CID. Before they met me in the court, I had asked Ramdas Athawale to issue a public statement that the Gavai brothers planned to commit suicide by jumping in front of the prime minister’s car.

When the statement reached newspaper offices, the police came to know about it immediately, for some journalists are police informers. A posse of policemen came to meet me in the Naigaon court. They wanted to know the whereabouts of the Gavai brothers and when exactly they planned to end their lives. They were probably thinking of shifting the Gavai brothers to an undisclosed place as a preventive measure. I told the police officials that after finishing my business at the court, I would look out for the Gavai brothers and get the information.

Balachandran, a deputy commissioner of police, and Mokashi, an assistant commissioner of police, told me that they were willing to arrange for the Gavai brothers to meet the prime minister if they gave up their suicide plan. I told them that since the crime was so barbaric, it was not within my means to dissuade the Gavai brothers from their plan. The police were in a dilemma. If Gavai brothers were arrested, they would vent their ire to the newspapers, and if they were left untouched, they might let themselves be run over by the prime minister’s car. Finally, Balachandran agreed to arrange for the Gavai brothers, Raja Dhale and me to meet Mrs Gandhi. Balachandran agreed to escort us to the visitors’ lounge at the airport.

Dhale and I had gone to meet my brother Tukaram Pawar, who lived in the Central Public Works Department’s quarters near the airport. From there, we proceeded to our first meeting with a prime minister. On 1 February 1975, when she alighted from the aircraft, she was led to the place where we were waiting, along with the chief minister, his Cabinet colleagues, the director general of police, the police commissioner of Mumbai and other officials. She expected us to courteously fold our hands when she approached us. We did not. When she folded her hands, I told her, pointing to the Gavai brothers, “See with your own eyes, what king of atrocities are being committed in your rule.” She was enraged at my behaviour and asked, “Yeh raj(ya) kya tumhara nahi hein?’ (Is this not your rule/state, too?). I fearlessly told her, “No. This kind of injustice is done in your rule alone.” I was using the word “raj” to mean “rule” while she probably heard “rajya” or “state” (of Maharashtra). For about four minutes, I vented my anguish, before Chief Minister Naik interrupted to introduce Raja Dhale to her: “This is Raja Dhale,” he said. He probably wanted to tell her that Dhale was the same person who had written a controversial article about the national flag. But Dhale would have none of it. He snapped at the chief minister and asked him to allow me to continue my conversation with the prime minister. I picked up where I left off and told her about the whole incident. The Gavai brothers narrated their ordeal and asked for justice.

This visit of Mrs Gandhi turned out to be different. When she heard about the barbaric act and looked into the eye sockets of the victims, her eyes were filled with tears. She immediately asked the chief minister to conduct a thorough enquiry into the incident. I raised my voice and said, “We don’t trust the Maharasahtra government. If an investigation is to be held, let it be done by the Central Bureau of Investigation. Maharashtra government is an enemy of Dalits.” I gave a memorandum to Mrs Gandhi, who accepted it and handed it over to her personal assistant. When I was going to give the chief minister a copy of the memorandum, he tried to avoid receiving it. When Mrs Gandhi saw it, she shouted at him, “He is giving a memorandum to you and you are not even accepting it. If you behave like this, these people will go against you.” Naik had no choice but to accept it. She turned and walked away, touching her eyes with the end of her saree. We returned in a police vehicle with the satisfaction that we were able to present the case of Gavai brothers in person to the prime minister. She went on to announce compensation for the victims.

On 2 February 1975, all the newspapers prominently displayed the news of the Gavai brothers meeting the prime minister. I received a message from the police that the chief minister wanted to meet the Gavai brothers. I, along with the brothers, went to the Sachivalaya and met the chief minister. The meeting was just a formality. The real meeting was to be held in the office of the minister of state for home, Ratnappa Kumbhar, where Home Secretary Padmakar Gavai, Director General of Police Rajyadhyaksha and Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Council R.S. Gavai were present. Kumbhar took the details of the case from Gopal Gavai and asked him what his expectation was. His secretary and the home secretary were taking notes.

After we finished, RS Gavai asked me to send the Gavai brothers to his house for dinner, saying that around 25 people dined at his house daily. I had actually expected him to say that he would arrange for a debate on the issue in the legislative council. So, I was irritated and said that I was unaware that he had opened a dining service, or else I would have sent all the needy people to his house. He was not expecting such a reaction. He always used to carry a box full of paan (betel leaves) and chewed paan regularly, whether he was in the legislature building or outside. Whenever confronted with an uncomfortable situation, he had the habit of opening the box and stuffing his mouth with paan, to avoiding further conversation. He did just that.

Just then, Home secretary Padmakar Gavai conveyed a message that I should take the victims to Madhukar Gavai, the deputy inspector general of CID. The Mumbai police offered a vehicle for transport but I declined. Many government employees waiting outside Kumbhar’s office had saluted me with a “Jai Bhim” on my way in. It was my responsibility to show them that I was not taking any favours from the government.

Author JV Pawar (Courtesy Forward Press)

We reached Madhukar Gavai’s office. He was waiting for us. He insisted on us having tea despite my refusal. I told him about the incident, the attitude of the local police officials and their reports on the incident. I requested him to conduct a fresh enquiry. Madhukar Gavai was the brother of Home Secretary Padmakar Gavai, who had apparently issued some orders, because the government machinery swung into action. Subsequently, the report submitted by the local police turned out to be false, prompting angry reactions from various organizations, political parties and newspapers. The DIG, Amravati, a Patil, had no option but to submit the true report to Madhukar Gavai, also a DIG.

The investigation into the case took a new turn and on 4 February, the chief minister announced that deputy chief of the state police himself was investigating the incident. Kumbhar announced the suspension of Inspector Patil, who was in charge of the Pinjar Police Station, to avoid any possible interference during the fresh investigation. The case was revised and the accused were charged under new sections of the Indian Penal Code for stricter punishment.

The savage crime against the Gavai brothers shattered the image of Maharashtra and the opposition parties got a stick to beat the government with, especially as the chief minister belonged to a backward class. This also roused the “sugar lobby” (of Maratha politicians running sugar cooperative mills). It began actively working against the Chief Minister Naik, who had been ruling the state for over 12 years. The Dalit Panther had already complained about Naik to the prime minister. Finally, on February 20, newspaper headlines screamed that Naik had been removed from his post.

Read more: Excerpt from the preface to Dalit Panthers; An Authoritative History by JV Pawar

The eyes of Gavai brothers were beyond recovery. I had asked renowned ophthalmologist Dr M.C. Modi to examine the Gavai brothers. After examination, he said that the eyes were not merely smashed but pulled out of their sockets, and hence restoration of eyesight was not possible. We could not restore the eyesight of Gavai brothers, but Naik, who had estimated the value of their eyes at Rs 1,000, had to bite the dust.

Baban Lavhatre probably was not aware of the effort that Dhale and I had made. He went around taking the credit, thereby spreading disinformation and deceiving himself. It was his habit. For instance, he wrote that I had led Vasant Dhamankar’s funeral procession. I was in jail at the time.

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Excerpt: Dalit Panthers; An Authoritative History by JV Pawar

My Article in Hindustan Times  

Excerpt: Dalit Panthers; An Authoritative History by JV Pawar

JV Pawar’s book on the Dalit Panther movement of the 1970s is essential reading for those interested in social justice and the caste struggle. This is an edited excerpt from the preface to the new English translation

BOOKS Updated: Jan 19, 2018 21:48 IST

Hindustan Times

Bhagwat Jhadhav, 22, was killed by a grinding stone thrown from a terrace as the Dalit Panther morcha passed through a Bombay neighbourhood. (Courtesy Forward Press)

The golden period of the Ambedkarite movement after the demise of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar belonged to the Dalit Panther. The militant organization was formed on 29 May 1972. Five years later, it was disbanded through a declaration at a press conference held in Mumbai on 7 March 1977. An ideological schism among its leaders prompted Namdeo Dhasal to sack Raja Dhale and me by announcing it in the newspapers published from Mumbai on 30 September 1974. It culminated in Dhasal being sacked at the first convention of the organization held in Nagpur on 23 and 24 October 1974. In June 1975, then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared Emergency in India, imposing restrictions on newspapers and organizations. Hence, the period from May 1972 to June 1975 was the most crucial in the activities of the Dalit Panther movement.

During this period, the Dalit Panther movement caused a storm, shattering contemporary sociopolitical ethos and recharging Ambedkar’s followers to combat rising injustice and atrocities. It transformed youths, who took to the streets as committed footsoldiers of the movement, took on the system and provided relief to the victims. During its short life, the organization shook up the government from its slumber and forced it to take note of the plight of the oppressed people. The struggle of the Dalit Panther movement was not just for the economic upliftment of the Dalits but also for the implementation of their Constitutional rights and the establishment of liberty, equality and fraternity.

Police throwing stones during the Worli caste riots, 1974. (Cortesy Forward Press)

The Dalit Panther was at its prime until 4 January 1974. On 5 January 1974, a masterminded riot engulfed the entire Mumbai metropolis, especially Worli and Naigaon, and claimed the lives of Dalit Panthers Bhagwat Jadhav and Ramesh Deorukhkar. The riot devastated the lives of numerous youngsters, who lost their jobs and had to languish in prisons. Their sacrifices, however, rejuvenated the Ambedkarite movement, in sharp contrast to those who had mortgaged it at the feet of the rich and the powerful in return for crumbs of power and wealth. During its short life, the Dalit Panther made a lasting impact on Indian society and politics. The impact of the movement has been so historic that after four members of a Dalit family (including a woman and her teenage daughter) were brutally killed in Khairlanji village in Bhandara district of Maharashtra in 2006, there were spontaneous demands for a militant organization like the Dalit Panther to take on the perpetrators of caste atrocities.

A lot has been written on the movement, including research papers and anthologies, based on information gathered from newspapers and conversations with the people who were in the movement. The movement has been analyzed and interpreted by many to suit their convenience or ideological stance, often veering off on the verge of distorting history. For the sake of easy publicity and the consequent gains, many people masqueraded as experts on the movement, including some claiming to have fathered it. I have been a witness of this period from day one. I have actively participated in the movement, not just as a spectator or a writer, but as one of the people who initiated it. Hence, while assigning the paternity of the Dalit Panther organization to Namdeo Dhasal and myself, I consider the nurturing of the movement by Raja Dhale as important.

I feel that only three persons can write the history of the Dalit Panther movement: Raja Dhale, Namdeo Dhasal and J.V. Pawar (myself). I was the organizer and later, the general secretary of the organization and therefore I am in possession of all the relevant correspondence and documentation. During those days, there were no photocopying machines and I had to use carbon paper to make copies of letters or statements, all of which I have preserved. What this means is that my writing is authentic and supported by documents. Besides, the Government of Maharashtra gave me access to its archives, including documents from the police and intelligence departments, which further enriched me.

JV Pawar arrested for burning a book by MK Gandhi on 29 April 1975. (Courtesy Forward Press)

I have written a series in Marathi on “The Ambedkarite movement after Dr B.R. Ambedkar” and this book is the fourth in the series. The era of the Dalit Panther was the glowing period about which many people, including Raja Dhale, Namdeo Dhasal and other intellectuals have already written.

During the days of the Dalit Panther, Marathi newspaper Nava Kaal, founded by its editor Neelubhau Khadilkar, had opened its door for us, as if it were our mouthpiece. There were several other newspapers like Nav Shakti, Maratha, Maharashtra Times, Loksatta and Sakaal, which helped the movement by publicizing its activities. I am indebted to all of them.

Since Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Mahaparinirvana on 6 December 1956, the Ambedkarite movement has tasted both victory and defeat. The victory has been that the movement has, through the years, attained social, educational and cultural maturity. In the literature and the arts, the movement reached the pinnacle at various moments – especially Ambedkarite literature, which has now gained respect and acceptance as the only literature that matters, because it is based on realism. So much so that what was so far called Dalit Literature is now referred to as Ambedkarite literature. The conditions in society today are vastly different from those prevailing in the pre-Ambedkar era and the transformation can be attributed to Ambedkar’s call to educate, organize and agitate.

I am not an activist or a writer from Ambedkar’s time. During Ambedkar’s time, many people contributed to the journals he edited — Mook Nayak and Prabuddha Bharat. But they were simply chroniclers of that age. However, C.B. Khairmode’s documentation remains quite invaluable. I did not want to merely document the post-Ambedkarite movement but also analyze it. I was involved in the movement myself. I wasn’t merely an observer sitting on the sidelines. I can, therefore, stake my claim to analyze the history of the movement. Apart from being at the forefront of the movement since 1972, I led the student wing of Dadasaheb Gaikwad’s popular land agitation in 1964.

In 1972, with my poet-friend Namdeo Dhasal, I co-founded the Dalit Panther. Although it was a short-lived movement, just like the Black Panther in the United States, among all the post-Ambedkarite movements, the Dalit Panther enjoys the greatest admiration.

Author JV Pawar (Courtesy Forward Press)

It was the period of struggle and hardships that earned Dalit Panthers their credibility and reputation in society. What Babasaheb Ambedkar had envisaged for the Republican Party of India (RPI) had failed to materialize. The post-Ambedkarite movement had begun to decline in the 1960s due to the ulterior motives of the Republican Party leaders – and today the party has become an object of ridicule. Instead of concentrating on RPI’s growth, its leaders helped strengthen the Congress party. The Congress party thus became more arrogant and exploitative. In the rural areas, it was Dalit Panthers who tried to stem the atrocities that were being inflicted on the Dalits. There was a growing consciousness among the Dalit masses that there was a group and an organization to protect them. Even today, when Dalits in villages face atrocities, people yearn for the resurgence of a movement like the Dalit Panther.

This wish in people’s hearts can be seen as the greatest recognition of the Dalit Panther among the masses. Even when the movement spread from Maharashtra to the rest of the country, it never spread itself too thin. Social scientists have realized the importance of the Dalit Panthers. Even today, both Indians and foreigners seek to understand and analyze the history of the Dalit Panther. Researchers and students are still mesmerized by its history. The militant activism of the Dalit Panther is one that needs to be revived, hence the need to translate this work into Hindi and English. I published this history of Dalit Panthers in Marathi on 6 December 2010, under the title Dalit Panthers. It was well received by Marathi readers and activists.

Read more: Excerpt from a chapter on the brutal caste atrocity that eventually led to the downfall of chief minister Vasantrao Naik 
Since researchers and scholars worldwide studying the Dalit Panther movement seek information from us, I felt there was a need to publish this material in Hindi and English. Angela Davis from the Black Panther, USA, on her visit to India on 16 December 2016, had expressed her desire to me for an English translation of Dalit Panthers, for the benefit of the African-American brothers and sisters involved in their struggle in the USA.

...I hope that the activists and researchers who benefited from the Marathi edition of Dalit Panthers will find the English translation equally rewarding.

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