Saturday 10 March 2018

B. R. Ambedkar : Student representative


Student representative
Ambedkar was a staunch supporter of democracy and it had stemmed out of the influence of the ideology of the Buddha. During the Buddha’s time, disputes were solved through peaceful dialogues. Any political issue used to be presented in the House for discussion and decision taken according to the inclination of the majority. Ambedkar has dwelt on this aspect of Buddhism in his book, The Buddha and his Dhamma. The units of governance called Ganarajya and the present day Gan- a constituency of Zilla Parishad (district council)-  bear resemblance. The Gan is the basic brick of the present day Panchayat Raj on which the superstructure of democracy stands. The inherent principle of democracy is equality and till this principle was operational, India was flourishing in all sectors. However, later, hostility towards Buddhism was instigated by orthodox Hindus, ushering in the dark ages. The rejection of democracy in the Buddha’s country ultimately led to dictatorship rising in the world not only in politics but also social and cultural lives of people. In France it reached its peak and led to so much resentment by the people that it led to the revolution that destroyed the tyrannical rule. In India, however, the democratic process fizzled out as the hostility towards Buddhism got royal patronage as well as religious sanction. An apt example is the situation during the rule of the Peshwa rulers.
Ambedkar derived energy from the philosophy of the Buddha to combat the exploitation resorted to with divine sanction. The Buddha’s philosophy was in existence even without attributing it to him, in Europe and American continents. Ambedkar, who received his higher education in these continents, could compare the dark ages in India with the radiance of the liberal world. Even as a student, he had become restless over the huge disparities existing between the two worlds.
In a democracy, the opinion of every citizen is important, not religious texts. Hence Ambedkar contested many elections, so that he could represent people. Except the 1937 election, he was defeated in all polls, including the first general elections in 1952 held after India became free in 1947 and the subsequent byelection in 1954.
It is known that Ambedkar had become a member of the legislative council of Bombay and got elected to the Bombay legislature in the 1937 elections, but it is not known that in his student life he had been elected to a students’ council. In 1913, he had become an additional member of the Baroda legislative council. This reference has been skipped by Ambedkar’s biographers Dhananjay Keer and C B Khairmode. The first volume of biography written by Khairmode had been published in 1952 when Ambedkar was alive. The biographies penned by Khairmode and Keer have gained wide acceptability and based on them, ample has been written about Ambedkar by others. It is surprising how such highprofile biographers missed a vital point in Ambedkar’s life.
Even before Ambedkar became a member of the legislative council in 1927, the Diwan of Baroda princely state Manubhai Mehta had issued a notification that he had been appointed as member of the legislative council of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaikwad. The records in the legal cell of the Baroda kingdom reveal the appointment in the following words: His Highness the Maharaja Saheb has been pleased to nominate Mr B R Ambedkar, B.A., as an additional member of the local legislative council in place of Shivlal Jeram, deceased of Petlad.


 It clearly reveals that Ambedkar had been a member of the legislative council when he was only a graduate with a B.A. degree and was yet to study further for M. A., Ph D, Bar-at-law, etc degrees. In my book, Indian Congress and the Ambedkar Movement, I had mentioned, on the basis of information provided by Shridhar Vyankatesh Ketkar in his encyclopaedia that Ambedkar had been nominated in place of Shivram from Petlad in the Bombay Province after the latter’s death. However, it is incorrect. Ketkar’s information is gospel for many authors who quote from it. The information about Ambedkar’s appointment proved that Ketkar’s book is not reliable.
In 1913, Ambedkar was a student and had applied for scholarship from the Baroda Maharaja for higher studies. Since the Maharaja knew the importance of education, he had approved it, but casteist officials serving in his kingdom had imposed some atrocious conditions. Ambedkar approached the Maharaja, who realised the conspiracy and removed such conditions. Accordingly, Ambedkar was granted scholaraship of Rs 12,000 from June 15, 1913 to June 14, 1917. The removal of many conditions included in the initial scholarship had humiliated the officials of Baroda which ultimately led to the Diwan of the kingdom pestering Ambedkar to work as an employee of the kingdom in return, even at the cost of higher education. To make matters worse, he ensured that when Ambedkar joined as an employee, he was persecuted and compelled to leave.
Ambedkar was nominated in the legislative council on April 24, 1913 and the period of his scholarship commenced on June 15, 1913. Logically, his presence in the legislative body should have been discontinued as he was under debt of the kingdom. However, the Baroda Maharaja endorsed both the things, considering Ambedkar’s potential. Ambedkar reached New York for higher education on July 20, 1913 and remained abroad till August 21, 1917 and hence, could not attend the legislative council. Yet the ruler displayed not only his generosity but his vision in helping an untouchable youth who had graduated and wanted to pursue higher studies abroad. Before the award of the scholarship the two had met for a lengthy interview which left the king impressed.
Baroda’s ruler Gaikwad and Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj from Kolhapur helped Ambedkar a lot. If Gaikwad would not have taken on the casteist officials of his kingdom, Ambedkar would have been deprived of higher education in sociology, economics and public finance. In that case, his country with a population of 100 crore would have to look upto foreign countries to draft its constitution. Sayajirao Gaikwad had realised the potential of Ambedkar even as a student and had nominated him in the legislative council. Fourteen years before he was sworn in as a member of the Bombay legislative council in 1927, Ambedkar had become a member of the Baroda legislative council during his student days, making him a unique representative of people. It became possible because of the discernment of the ruler of the Baroda princely state Maharaj Sayajirao Gaikwad.

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